Saturday, August 15, 2026

Who made the soil?

 

The Natural Wealth We Did Not Create

Start with a question that sounds almost too simple to be worth asking: who made the topsoil?

Not the farmer who tills it, or the corporation that leases the land it sits on. Who made the soil itself — the millennia of weathered rock, decomposed organic matter, and microbial activity that turned inert mineral into something capable of growing food? Who made the aquifer beneath it, the rainfall pattern that recharges it, the atmosphere that carries the rain?

The natural resource substrate that sustains civilization is continually created by natural processes. Once you notice that in regards to topsoil, it becomes obvious everywhere. No human being made the fossil fuels compressed under a million years of geological pressure. No person made the fish stocks that repopulate an ocean, the pollinators that make agriculture possible, the ozone layer, the climate stability that has allowed civilization to exist for the last ten thousand years. These things were not produced. They were found — inherited, more precisely, by every generation from those who came before, going back further than we can imagine.

This distinction — between wealth that is created and wealth that is given (by natural processes and/or as divine gift) — sounds obvious once stated, but almost nothing in our economic thinking is built to take it seriously. We have an elaborate apparatus of law and market for wealth that people make: patents, contracts, wages, profits, all resting on the reasonably defensible idea that if you build something, you have a legitimate claim to it. We have almost no equivalent apparatus for wealth nobody made. Instead, we've generally just let whoever is able to grab it first, or has enough capital to get at the embedded material, treat the natural inheritance as if they had made it themselves. A company that extracts oil is treated, economically, as though it produced the oil, when what it actually did was find it, extract it, and sell something it did not create.

This is not a minor accounting oversight. It is the seam along which most environmental and economic injustice runs.

Two kinds of wealth, one word

Ordinary language doesn't distinguish these two kinds of wealth. We use the word "wealth" — or "property," or "resources" — for both a factory someone built and a forest someone found. But a moral theory of ownership that doesn't distinguish them will get basic questions wrong. If I plant a tree, tend it, and harvest its fruit, most people's intuitions say the fruit is mine — I invested labor, care, and time. But if I simply find an old-growth forest and start cutting it down, the same intuition doesn't obviously apply. I didn't make the forest. I am not creating value; I am liquidating an inheritance that belongs to everyone, if it belongs to anyone at all.

John Locke, writing in the seventeenth century, actually built this distinction into his theory of property, though it's often obscured in the popular retelling. Locke's argument for respect of private property was that mixing your labor with unowned nature creates a legitimate claim — but he attached a condition to it, sometimes called the Lockean proviso: that your taking must leave "enough, and as good" for others. Locke was already assuming a background of common ownership from which private property is carved out under specific conditions. The commons came first. Private property is the exception that is earned by the effort aimed at transforming the material found in nature into useful products. Natural wealth owned by no one (everyone) is the default.

Modern economics doesn't account for this natural wealth. The market treats unowned nature as an almost-free input. Natural goods and services are appropriated silently into the industrial system, at zero price. Nature becomes a component of everything, but the normal economic calculus and profit signals can't see it and don't represent its value. Economists have a polite name for this: an "externality." But externalized cost isn't a neutral technical description. It's a euphemism for cost-shifting: the cost is real, it does not disappear, it is simply moved off the ledger of whoever profits and onto everyone else, including people not yet born.

What it means to price honestly

Ecological economists like Robert Costanza have spent decades trying to put real numbers on what nature actually does for us — pollination, water filtration, climate regulation, flood control, soil formation — precisely because these services have been priced at zero for so long that we've built our entire economy on the fiction that they're free. They are not free. They are simply unbilled. And a price that omits a real cost isn't efficient — it's dishonest. It tells a lie about what something actually costs to produce, and everyone downstream of that lie — consumers, investors, business managers — makes worse decisions because of it. Future generations and the larger community of life pay the cost in the form of climate instability, degraded environmental quality, depletion and species extinction.

Once you see this clearly, a fee on the extraction or degradation of natural wealth stops looking like a tax, in the sense of an arbitrary government imposition on otherwise-legitimate private activity. It starts looking like something closer to a correction, so that a true price can be assigned to a transaction that had been quietly lying about its costs. The fee doesn't punish the extractor. It balances the opportunity cost of extraction with a signal that says opportunity costs are to be avoided. It makes visible a cost that was always there.

And if the natural wealth being consumed was never any individual's to begin with — if it was, in the Lockean sense, part of the common inheritance — then the proceeds of that fee aren't a government resource to be spent on your behalf or on behalf of the most effective lobbyists. They are, more precisely, a debt owed back to everyone whose common inheritance was drawn down. A dividend distributed from that fee isn't charity or welfare. It's closer to a rent payment on an asset the public already owns, collected on the public's behalf.

Honest institutions matter more than any specific policy

It would be easy to read all of this as an elaborate justification for a particular tax-and-rebate scheme, and stop there. But the deeper point is not about any specific mechanism. It's about a question that has to be answered before any mechanism can be evaluated: who owns the natural wealth that economic activity consumes?

Most of our political and economic disagreements about the environment are actually disagreements we're having without having settled this question first. We argue about whether a carbon fee is efficient, whether it will hurt growth, whether it's fair to industry — all real and important questions — while skipping past the more basic one of whether the atmosphere's capacity to absorb carbon was ever anyone's private possession to begin with. If it wasn't, then a great deal of current economic activity has been operating on borrowed legitimacy: treating a shared inheritance as though it were privately owned, simply because no one built the metering and accounting system to prove otherwise.

Recognizing common ownership of natural wealth doesn't require distrusting markets or private property — in fact, as I'll take up next, it may be the missing piece that makes both of those institutions coherent in the first place. What it does require is a refusal to let the absence of a price stand in for the absence of a cost, and refusing to let "nobody owns it" quietly become "whoever gets there first owns it." Between those two claims sits the actual truth: everyone owns it, in the only sense that a shared and irreplaceable inheritance can be owned — equally, and without anyone having a prior claim to more of it than anyone else.

Friday, August 14, 2026

Sensory and Motor Nervous System for the Planet

 John:

You said something recently to the effect that you had noticed a shift from focus on fee-and-dividend, to a focus more on philosophical basis of the alternative paradigm. I don't remember exactly how you put it, but, if you remember, or if I can find it, I would like to lean in to that more recent emphasis or approach. I am running out of printed essays and it would be nice to print some substantially better essays that we could write collaboratively.


GPT:

Yes. I think that is a very productive direction, and I do remember the substance of what I said.

The shift I was noticing was roughly this:

You have been developing a policy proposal, but underneath it you have actually been developing an alternative way of thinking about ownership, markets, environmental limits, and democracy.

The fee-and-dividend mechanism is almost the consequence of that deeper framework.

The formulation I think is most worth leaning into is:

Natural wealth is jointly owned. Human beings may create private wealth through their labor, ingenuity, and cooperation, but they do not create the natural wealth upon which those activities depend. Therefore, a just economic system should distinguish wealth created by people from wealth appropriated from the common inheritance.

From there, several things follow.

  • Truth: prices should tell the truth about what economic activity costs—including the use or degradation of things supplied by nature.
  • Fairness: because natural wealth isn't created by particular individuals, its economic value should ultimately benefit everyone rather than whoever happens to appropriate it first.
  • Democracy: the people who jointly own the natural world have a legitimate role in determining how much of it may be consumed, degraded, or transformed.
  • Markets: markets can remain extremely useful, but they work better when prices don't conceal the appropriation of common wealth.
  • Private property: recognizing common ownership of natural wealth can actually provide a stronger philosophical foundation for private property, because it clarifies what legitimately becomes private property in the first place.
  • Environmental policy: pollution fees, extraction fees, habitat fees, etc. aren't arbitrary government interventions. They are mechanisms for making the underlying ownership relationship real.
  • Dividend: distributing the proceeds isn't primarily a welfare program. It is the return to each person of his or her equal share of the value of something jointly owned.

That last distinction may be particularly important for the essays. “Fee-and-dividend” sounds like a particular environmental policy. “Popular ownership of natural wealth” sounds like a theory of political economy. The latter can encompass the former while also explaining why it is justified.

And your exchange today illustrates why I think this philosophical approach may be more powerful than the earlier policy-centered presentation. The question isn't merely “Would a pollution fee work?” It is:

“Who owns the natural wealth that economic activity consumes?”

Once that question is taken seriously, a surprising number of familiar assumptions become questionable.

For example, someone who says, “I don't believe in a shared right to natural wealth because some people are dishonest,” is implicitly accepting a strange alternative: that because some people might abuse common ownership, nobody should have a recognized claim to the common inheritance. Your response gets at the deeper problem: that arrangement doesn't eliminate appropriation; it simply leaves appropriation available to whoever can get away with it.

I think we could make a much better set of essays

Rather than printing another collection of essays that each explain one policy mechanism, I'd be inclined to build a small philosophical sequence in which each essay establishes something that the next essay takes for granted.

Something like:

1. The Natural Wealth We Did Not Create
Start with the basic distinction between human-created wealth and natural wealth. Ask what follows morally from the fact that nobody created the atmosphere, mineral deposits, ecosystems, fertile soil, oceans, etc.

2. Why Private Property Needs a Commons
This could develop the idea you just raised. Private property doesn't necessarily conflict with common ownership of nature. In fact, recognizing a common inheritance may be necessary to distinguish legitimate private acquisition from appropriation.

3. The Honest Price
Develop Truth as an economic principle. If production imposes costs on other people or consumes something jointly owned, a price that omits those costs isn't merely inefficient—it is economically dishonest.

4. The People's Right to Set the Limits
This is where your deliberative-survey idea becomes much more interesting. Instead of beginning with “How do we regulate pollution?”, begin with “Who has the authority to decide how much of our common inheritance may be consumed?”

5. Markets After the Commons Is Recognized
Show that your proposal isn't fundamentally anti-market. Quite the opposite: once common wealth is properly accounted for, markets become a mechanism for discovering which private uses of that wealth people value most.

6. The Return of Natural Wealth
Only here would the dividend receive its full philosophical treatment. It isn't charity, redistribution of someone else's earnings, or a government benefit. It is the distribution of the economic value of jointly owned natural assets.

7. Democracy Without a Centralized World Government
Then your global-governance idea becomes the culmination rather than the starting point: how can people collectively establish environmental limits without requiring a world government?

That sequence would let us derive the machinery from the philosophy, rather than repeatedly defending the machinery on its own terms.

And I think there's an even deeper theme available: your proposed institutions are attempts to make abstract moral relationships visible and operational.

“Everyone owns natural wealth” is an abstraction.

The fee makes the ownership visible in a transaction.

The dividend makes the equal ownership visible in people's accounts.

The environmental limit makes the collective right visible in the quantity of permitted impact.

The deliberative survey makes the people's role in determining that limit visible.

And the market continues to let individuals decide what they themselves value.

That gives us a potentially much more coherent book than “Here are some environmental policies I think would work.”

It becomes something closer to:

What would an economy look like if we actually built its institutions around Truth, Fairness, and the equal ownership of the natural world?

I think that is the essay project worth putting your remaining paper behind.



How to Fix Civilization